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我编写了一个类，其中包含从 html 中提取和处理文本的方法。 html 文件包含三篇文章。每个都在“文本”标签中。 'getArticles' 方法提取所有文本元素并创建一个对象。然后，'getTexts' 方法应该从对象中获取文本并将其呈现为 html。但它只是不断地跳过中间文章中的文字，从“在澳大利亚设置...”开始。我试图从 html 中删除另一篇文章，然后出现了丢失的文章，但它不会将所有三篇文章都包含在一起。帮助？
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<meta name="viewport" content="width=device-width, initial-scale=1.0">
<title>Document</title>
</head>
<body>
<section>
<doc>
<docno> LA010189-0001 </docno>
<docid> 1 </docid>
<date>
<p>
January 1, 1989, Sunday, Home Edition
</p>
</date>
<section>
<p>
Book Review; Page 1; Book Review Desk
</p>
</section>
<length>
<p>
1206 words
</p>
</length>
<headline>
<p>
NEW FALLOUT FROM CHERNOBYL;
</p>
<p>
THE SOCIAL IMPACT OF THE CHERNOBYL DISASTER BY DAVID R. MARPLES (ST. MARTIN'S
PRESS: $35, CLOTH; $14.95, PAPER; 316 PP., ILLUSTRATED; 0-312-02432-0)
</p>
</headline>
<byline>
<p>
By James E. Oberg , Oberg, a space engineer in Houston, is the author of
Uncovering Soviet Disasters: Exploring the Limits of Glasnost (Random House).
</p>
</byline>
<text>
<p>
The onset of the new Gorbachev policy of glasnost, commonly mistranslated as
openness but closer in connotation to candor or publicizing, has complicated
the task of Soviet secret-keepers and has allowed substantial new Western
insights into Soviet society. David R. Marples' new book, his second on the
Chernobyl accident of April 26, 1986, is a shining example of the best type of
non-Soviet analysis into topics that only recently were absolutely taboo in
Moscow official circles.
</p>
<p>
The author, a British-educated historian and economist, is a research associate
with the Canadian Institute of Ukrainian Studies at the University of Alberta,
and the academic style of the book is undisguised. However, its intended
audience is the general public, and anyone interested in nuclear power, or
Soviet economy and society, or human drama, or just plain sleuthing state
secrets, will find hitherto unpublished revelations and explanations of the
event and its continuing aftermath.
</p>
<p>
The effects of Chernobyl reverberated throughout so many facets of Soviet
society that a continuous coherent narrative is probably impossible. Marples
discusses half a dozen major themes arranged in a fairly arbitrary order (as
indicated by the frequent and helpful cross references throughout the text) and
succeeds in mapping out his main themes. The personal interests of each reader
determine which of the sections may be deemed too detailed and which too
sketchy, but considering the need for such a comprehensive overview, the levels
are generally appropriate.
</p>
<p>
The book is, on the one hand, not a light read, and an executive summary might
have been possible in a quarter the length. But, on the other, so many of the
judgments depend on a subtle interpretation of a multitude of sources that the
author is obligated to present the raw data for the reader's inspection. The
modular nature of the book also allows a reader to skip, browse, and revisit
earlier sections, aided by a convenient internal organization and a thorough
index.
</p>
<p>
First in the world's attention, and in the text, is a discussion of the human
victims of the accident. The official tally is 31 (only about 20 names have
ever been released), but Marples suspects there were other short-term radiation
victims. A large number of unnecessary late-term abortions were also performed
on local women, and by rights those unborn babies count as casualties.
Widespread "radiophobia" led to restricted diets which created malnourishment
and subsequent disease in thousands of people. The tens of thousands of people
taking part in cleanup operations were never included in official totals of
those exposed. Since the book went to press, Soviet military sources have
referred to at least one death in the actual reactor entombment program.
</p>
<p>
But the greatest toll is likely to occur with the delayed deaths. Here, Marples
encounters for the first time the soon familiar theme of official Soviet
myth-making around the event: Reality is twisted to serve state policy
objectives, which include calming an alarmed public with assurances that all is
well when it isn't.
</p>
<p>
And thus is born what he properly labels the "myth of Chernobyl," the official
line that the disaster provided a test that Soviet society passed with honor.
"In the Soviet view," he writes, "it was first and foremost a victory, a story
with an ending, and an ending that was triumphant."
</p>
<p>
Thus, when sober Western medical estimates placed the future "excess cancer
deaths" at several tens of thousands, both in the Soviet Union and in Europe (a
few tenths of a percent elevation of the natural cancer rate), the Soviets
reacted furiously. The estimates are branded "nonsense" and the estimators are
dismissed as "panic mongers" promulgating "anti-Soviet venom."
</p>
<p>
Subsequently the author addresses themes of environmental impact, economic and
political repercussions, public images, and the recovery operations. Along the
way, Marples provides a damning list of examples in which Soviet officials
attempted to retreat behind old-style cover-ups and outright lies. False
information was issued on radiation levels, on subsequent accidents at the
site, on contamination levels of the Kiev water supply, on severe discipline
against non-volunteer cleanup personnel, on reactor entombment schedules and on
operator training levels.
</p>
<p>
A severe 1986-1987 countrywide electrical power shortage was officially denied
although it was real enough to compel the restart of three Chernobyl reactors
in explicit violation of Soviet safety regulations. Design deficiencies of the
Chernobyl-style reactors were downplayed and human errors were declared to be
the primary culprit.
</p>
<p>
Ultimately, observes the author, "It is ironic that in an era of openness,
Chernobyl may have been both the pioneer of glasnost under Gorbachev and then
subsequently its first casualty." He ultimately concludes, "Aspects of the
disaster . . . have rarely been dealt with thoroughly or even honestly by
Soviet sources." Hence the need for this book, a need which is admirably
fulfilled despite the many remaining mysteries and uncertainties.
</p>
<p>
The July, 1987, trial of reactor personnel marked a full circle of disclosure.
Journalists were allowed into the pre-scripted first and last days, but the
weeklong deliberative sessions were held in secret and no word of their
substance has ever been released.
</p>
<p>
The propaganda purpose of the trial and surrounding official publicity, he
maintains, had one goal: "To divert culpability from the party hierarchy, in
Kiev and especially in Moscow." This is precisely the theme I have also
encountered in my own investigations of aerospace accidents of the past. Where
individual human failings led to catastrophe, a sanitized story may eventually
be released, but where Kremlin policy led to disaster (such as the Nedelin
catastrophe of 1960 or the Soyuz-1 disaster in 1967), the entire event remains
absolutely off limits to glasnost.
</p>
<p>
The closing blow-by-blow description of the nuclear power debate presages a
dramatic event which occurred too recently for inclusion in this first edition.
Viktor Legasov, tagged by the author as one of the country's two leading
pro-nuclear advocates, actually was sinking into private despair over the poor
implementation of safety standards. In the end, he made his final and most
eloquent testimony to this despair on the second anniversary of the accident,
by committing suicide. For several weeks the Soviets tried to sit on the
circumstances of his "tragic death," even issuing official non-explanations
which asserted that the death was not due to medical effects of radiation.
Finally, crusading journalist Vladimir Gubarev, with access to Legasov's
notebooks, broke the story in Pravda. Readers of this book will come to know
these and other characters so well that the suicide fits right into the "big
picture" of the catastrophe's social impacts.
</p>
<p>
For an author to so accurately describe a social milieu that subsequent
unpredictable events only enhance his insights is testimony to the highest
quality of scholarship. Readers of Marples' book will rarely be surprised as
the Chernobyl catastrophe's consequences continue to unfold in the future.
</p>
</text>
<graphic>
<p>
Photo, Chernobyl Then and Now :Photographs of the damaged reactor taken before
the construction of its concrete "sarcophagus" are, for obvious reasons, aerial
photographs. Left, an artist's reconstruction of the reactor as it would have
looked from the ground before the sarcophagus was in place. The point of view
is the same as that of an official Soviet photograph, right, taken as the
entombment neared completion.
</p>
</graphic>
<type>
<p>
Book Review; Main Story
</p>
</type>
</doc>
<doc>
<docno> LA010189-0013 </docno>
<docid> 31 </docid>
<date>
<p>
January 1, 1989, Sunday, Home Edition
</p>
</date>
<section>
<p>
Book Review; Page 10; Book Review Desk
</p>
</section>
<length>
<p>
146 words
</p>
</length>
<headline>
<p>
CURRENT PAPERBACKS: WAITING FOR CHILDHOOD BY SUMNER LOCKE ELLIOTT (PERENNIAL
LIBRARY/ HARPER & ROW: $7.95)
</p>
</headline>
<byline>
<p>
By ELENA BRUNET
</p>
</byline>
<text>
<p>
Set in Australia at the turn of the 20th Century, "Waiting for Childhood" is
the story of seven children left to cope for themselves after their parents
die. Their father, The Rev. William Lord, expires at the breakfast table one
morning. After the family leaves for a ramshackle house owned by a wealthy
cousin, the mother loses her mind and then her life in an accident.
</p>
<p>
The eldest daughter, Lily, takes charge of the entire household, as Jess
becomes a favorite of her rich cousin Jackie and watches her rival for Jackie's
affections fall fatally from a mountaintop.
</p>
<p>
These characters, "all talented, all deeply human, (are) all so beautifully
realized that by the end of the novel we identify with them to the point of
heartbreak," Carolyn See wrote in these pages. " 'Waiting for Childhood'
manages to be at once terribly melancholy and extraordinarily exhilarating."
</p>
</text>
<type>
<p>
Column; Book Review
</p>
</type>
</doc>
<doc>
<docno> LA010189-0032 </docno>
<docid> 74 </docid>
<date>
<p>
January 1, 1989, Sunday, Home Edition
</p>
</date>
<section>
<p>
Business; Part 4; Page 3; Column 1; Financial Desk
</p>
</section>
<length>
<p>
1299 words
</p>
</length>
<headline>
<p>
VIEWPOINTS;
</p>
<p>
'89 WISH LIST: PROTECTION, TAXES AND PEACE;
</p>
<p>
SOCIAL BENEFITS, DEFICIT REDUCTION ARE TOP PRIORITIES FOR THE NEW YEAR
</p>
</headline>
<text>
<p>
What changes would you like to see in business practices and the workplace this
year? How can business leaders and economic policy-makers improve the economy
and the world in general in 1989? The Times ran these questions by people in
various walks of life, and here are some of their answers:
</p>
<p>
</p>
<p>
Muriel Siebert, head of the Muriel Siebert & Co. discount brokerage in New
York, and first female member of the New York Stock Exchange:
</p>
<p>
"I would like to see certain business practices regulated. I think that the
leveraged buyouts show the greed of people at their worst. . . . The LBOs are
bypassing the purpose of the capital-raising system. I think that to the extent
that people were stockholders in these companies . . . they should be allowed
to continue to have some kind of share in the profits (after the leveraged
buyouts) because these moves were done while they were stockholders.
</p>
<p>
"Must greed be the creed? I would like to see that also rolled over to our
defense contractors. I am pro defense. I believe in a strong country because
people mistake gentility for weakness. If (contractors) cheat on defense
contracts, I don't see why they don't go to jail. . . . I just feel that if you
are a major defense contractor, you owe a fiduciary responsibility to this
country because defense expenditures are putting a pretty big toll on the
country."
</p>
<p>
Andrew Brimmer, former member of the Federal Reserve Board and head of a
Washington economics consulting firm:
</p>
<p>
"My leading wish is that the nation deal with the federal budget deficit. I
would like to see a substantial reduction in 1989 and extending over the next
three years. I would strongly recommend that we raise taxes. There should be
some moderation in the level of government expenditures, but the real problem
is the lag in revenue.
</p>
<p>
"I also would like to see more done for education by business. The kind of
education I'm talking about is at the elementary and secondary level.
Businesses are already contributing to colleges. Businesses should do likewise
for elementary and secondary schools. Business people can play a role as
counselors and teachers. A firm might make available an engineer or
mathematician to go into schools and teach. Business should do more to offer
on-the-job training for unskilled, or limited-skills, people, perhaps through a
(lower) learning wage. We would give business tax credits to do this."
</p>
<p>
William R. Robertson, executive secretary of the Los Angeles County Federation
of Labor, AFL-CIO:
</p>
<p>
"I would like to see a change in philosophy by the incoming President relating
to labor relations and providing for fairness in our (labor) organizing efforts
and contract negotiations. . . .
</p>
<p>
"I would also like to see some protection for workers losing their jobs because
of mergers. It is a national disgrace. In too many mergers, the workers are the
ones that suffer and the country as well. Something should be done to correct
it. . . .
</p>
<p>
"And, finally, this Administration should face reality in resolving the
astronomical deficit."
</p>
<p>
Steven D. Lydenberg, an associate with the "socially responsible" investment
firm of Franklin Research & Development:
</p>
<p>
"There is an increasing interest around the country in social investing. People
want to know not just the financial implications of making a commitment in a
company, but also the social implication. That information is not very easy to
come by.
</p>
<p>
"So, if at the end of '89 corporations were disclosing in a uniform way their
yield figures, their charitable contribution figures, the numbers of women and
minorities in top management and board directors, their attitude on a number of
comparable social issues, I would be very happy."
</p>
<p>
Frank Borman, chairman of Patlex Corp. of Chatsworth, former astronaut and
former chairman of Eastern Airlines:
</p>
<p>
"We should begin to move toward taxing consumption -- a value-added tax. This
is quite controversial as Al Ullman (Oregon Democrat and former chairman of the
House Ways and Means Committee, who was defeated in 1988 after advocating a
value-added tax) will tell you. But this taxing system is needed. It would
certainly help our exports. Almost all of Europe is under the value-added
taxing system. Also, it may encourage saving instead of consumption. One of the
ways you discourage consumption is to tax it."
</p>
<p>
Michael Harrington, co-chair of Democratic Socialists of America and author of
"The Other America" and "The New American Poverty":
</p>
<p>
"I hope Secretary of State Baker will build on the basic insights of former
Treasury Secretary Baker (James Baker, former treasury secretary, was nominated
by President-elect Bush to be Secretary of State) that a settlement of Third
World debt is in the self-interest of America, opening up markets for business
and labor. But then the new Baker will have to go far beyond the old, since
Latin America now owes more than it did in 1982 when the crisis officially
began, and several countries, including Argentina and Brazil, may see democracy
subverted if current trends persist.
</p>
<p>
"At home, the nation must recognize that we can't waste young people, and
particularly minorities and women, on illiteracy, unemployment and unproductive
low-wage work. We must invest mightily in education, training and job
generation."
</p>
<p>
Alan Bromberg, a securities law expert and professor at Southern Methodist
University:
</p>
<p>
"There are several things I would like most to see changed in the economy and
business practices. One, more concentration by business and government, both
here and abroad, on . . . the facilitation of international trade and
investment. This would require wider horizons for business people . . . and
more effort by government to reduce and ultimately eliminate all kinds of
restrictions on the movement of products.
</p>
<p>
"Two, I would like to see a national consensus developed, preferably in the
form of federal legislation, on corporate takeovers and buyouts that would
recognize the efficiencies and benefits they bring as well as the dislocations
and hardships they can cause. This would involve tax policies and labor polices
and limitations on the ability of states to Balkanize corporate law by
different anti-takeover statutes everywhere. (There also should be) some kind
of limitation on management self-entrenchment and self-enrichment.
</p>
<p>
"I think we could use a lot of clarification of the securities laws. I think
the courts have done a good job of saying what insider trading is. The kind of
issues that are most difficult are what really is parking (of stock)? How much
cooperation or similar action by different individuals or different groups of
individuals makes it collaboration? These issues haven't been well resolved. .
. .
</p>
<p>
Peter Bahouth, executive director of Greenpeace in Washington:
</p>
<p>
"People now view threats to human security less in terms of political threats
and more in environmental and economic terms. So for my wish list, I would ask
first that we deal with the issue of the greenhouse effect. We better develop
some alternative views in mass transportation and cut subsidies to reflect the
true cost of fossil fuels in terms of pollution, along with the actual economic
cost of development. Then, we could put more money into research and
development of wind and solar energy.
</p>
<p>
"(Also on my wish list is) peace on earth. If we want peace on earth, we have
to start looking seriously at the fact that we are making more and more
weapons, and in a process which endangers the health of American people. . . .
Production plants have been proven to have released into the air and water
radioactivity and toxic chemicals."
</p>
<p>
"Also, it would be nice if we could learn that the rain forest affects all of
us. We need to preserve it. And we would like the tuna industry to stop killing
dolphins."
</p>
</text>
<graphic>
<p>
Drawing, JILL BANASHEK / for The Times
</p>
</graphic>
</doc>
</section>
<section>
<h2>Raw Text</h2>
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</div>
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<script src="app.js"></script>
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</html>最佳答案
这是因为 this.articles 的顺序每次使用都在变化 appendChild因为 this.articles不是数组而是 HTML 集合。
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analysis.getTexts(DOM.output1);<html lang="en">
<head>
<meta charset="UTF-8">
<meta name="viewport" content="width=device-width, initial-scale=1.0">
<title>Document</title>
</head>
<body>
<section>
<doc>
<docno> LA010189-0001 </docno>
<docid> 1 </docid>
<date>
<p>
January 1, 1989, Sunday, Home Edition
</p>
</date>
<section>
<p>
Book Review; Page 1; Book Review Desk
</p>
</section>
<length>
<p>
1206 words
</p>
</length>
<headline>
<p>
NEW FALLOUT FROM CHERNOBYL;
</p>
<p>
THE SOCIAL IMPACT OF THE CHERNOBYL DISASTER BY DAVID R. MARPLES (ST. MARTIN'S
PRESS: $35, CLOTH; $14.95, PAPER; 316 PP., ILLUSTRATED; 0-312-02432-0)
</p>
</headline>
<byline>
<p>
By James E. Oberg , Oberg, a space engineer in Houston, is the author of
Uncovering Soviet Disasters: Exploring the Limits of Glasnost (Random House).
</p>
</byline>
<text>
<p>
The onset of the new Gorbachev policy of glasnost, commonly mistranslated as
openness but closer in connotation to candor or publicizing, has complicated
the task of Soviet secret-keepers and has allowed substantial new Western
insights into Soviet society. David R. Marples' new book, his second on the
Chernobyl accident of April 26, 1986, is a shining example of the best type of
non-Soviet analysis into topics that only recently were absolutely taboo in
Moscow official circles.
</p>
<p>
The author, a British-educated historian and economist, is a research associate
with the Canadian Institute of Ukrainian Studies at the University of Alberta,
and the academic style of the book is undisguised. However, its intended
audience is the general public, and anyone interested in nuclear power, or
Soviet economy and society, or human drama, or just plain sleuthing state
secrets, will find hitherto unpublished revelations and explanations of the
event and its continuing aftermath.
</p>
<p>
The effects of Chernobyl reverberated throughout so many facets of Soviet
society that a continuous coherent narrative is probably impossible. Marples
discusses half a dozen major themes arranged in a fairly arbitrary order (as
indicated by the frequent and helpful cross references throughout the text) and
succeeds in mapping out his main themes. The personal interests of each reader
determine which of the sections may be deemed too detailed and which too
sketchy, but considering the need for such a comprehensive overview, the levels
are generally appropriate.
</p>
<p>
The book is, on the one hand, not a light read, and an executive summary might
have been possible in a quarter the length. But, on the other, so many of the
judgments depend on a subtle interpretation of a multitude of sources that the
author is obligated to present the raw data for the reader's inspection. The
modular nature of the book also allows a reader to skip, browse, and revisit
earlier sections, aided by a convenient internal organization and a thorough
index.
</p>
<p>
First in the world's attention, and in the text, is a discussion of the human
victims of the accident. The official tally is 31 (only about 20 names have
ever been released), but Marples suspects there were other short-term radiation
victims. A large number of unnecessary late-term abortions were also performed
on local women, and by rights those unborn babies count as casualties.
Widespread "radiophobia" led to restricted diets which created malnourishment
and subsequent disease in thousands of people. The tens of thousands of people
taking part in cleanup operations were never included in official totals of
those exposed. Since the book went to press, Soviet military sources have
referred to at least one death in the actual reactor entombment program.
</p>
<p>
But the greatest toll is likely to occur with the delayed deaths. Here, Marples
encounters for the first time the soon familiar theme of official Soviet
myth-making around the event: Reality is twisted to serve state policy
objectives, which include calming an alarmed public with assurances that all is
well when it isn't.
</p>
<p>
And thus is born what he properly labels the "myth of Chernobyl," the official
line that the disaster provided a test that Soviet society passed with honor.
"In the Soviet view," he writes, "it was first and foremost a victory, a story
with an ending, and an ending that was triumphant."
</p>
<p>
Thus, when sober Western medical estimates placed the future "excess cancer
deaths" at several tens of thousands, both in the Soviet Union and in Europe (a
few tenths of a percent elevation of the natural cancer rate), the Soviets
reacted furiously. The estimates are branded "nonsense" and the estimators are
dismissed as "panic mongers" promulgating "anti-Soviet venom."
</p>
<p>
Subsequently the author addresses themes of environmental impact, economic and
political repercussions, public images, and the recovery operations. Along the
way, Marples provides a damning list of examples in which Soviet officials
attempted to retreat behind old-style cover-ups and outright lies. False
information was issued on radiation levels, on subsequent accidents at the
site, on contamination levels of the Kiev water supply, on severe discipline
against non-volunteer cleanup personnel, on reactor entombment schedules and on
operator training levels.
</p>
<p>
A severe 1986-1987 countrywide electrical power shortage was officially denied
although it was real enough to compel the restart of three Chernobyl reactors
in explicit violation of Soviet safety regulations. Design deficiencies of the
Chernobyl-style reactors were downplayed and human errors were declared to be
the primary culprit.
</p>
<p>
Ultimately, observes the author, "It is ironic that in an era of openness,
Chernobyl may have been both the pioneer of glasnost under Gorbachev and then
subsequently its first casualty." He ultimately concludes, "Aspects of the
disaster . . . have rarely been dealt with thoroughly or even honestly by
Soviet sources." Hence the need for this book, a need which is admirably
fulfilled despite the many remaining mysteries and uncertainties.
</p>
<p>
The July, 1987, trial of reactor personnel marked a full circle of disclosure.
Journalists were allowed into the pre-scripted first and last days, but the
weeklong deliberative sessions were held in secret and no word of their
substance has ever been released.
</p>
<p>
The propaganda purpose of the trial and surrounding official publicity, he
maintains, had one goal: "To divert culpability from the party hierarchy, in
Kiev and especially in Moscow." This is precisely the theme I have also
encountered in my own investigations of aerospace accidents of the past. Where
individual human failings led to catastrophe, a sanitized story may eventually
be released, but where Kremlin policy led to disaster (such as the Nedelin
catastrophe of 1960 or the Soyuz-1 disaster in 1967), the entire event remains
absolutely off limits to glasnost.
</p>
<p>
The closing blow-by-blow description of the nuclear power debate presages a
dramatic event which occurred too recently for inclusion in this first edition.
Viktor Legasov, tagged by the author as one of the country's two leading
pro-nuclear advocates, actually was sinking into private despair over the poor
implementation of safety standards. In the end, he made his final and most
eloquent testimony to this despair on the second anniversary of the accident,
by committing suicide. For several weeks the Soviets tried to sit on the
circumstances of his "tragic death," even issuing official non-explanations
which asserted that the death was not due to medical effects of radiation.
Finally, crusading journalist Vladimir Gubarev, with access to Legasov's
notebooks, broke the story in Pravda. Readers of this book will come to know
these and other characters so well that the suicide fits right into the "big
picture" of the catastrophe's social impacts.
</p>
<p>
For an author to so accurately describe a social milieu that subsequent
unpredictable events only enhance his insights is testimony to the highest
quality of scholarship. Readers of Marples' book will rarely be surprised as
the Chernobyl catastrophe's consequences continue to unfold in the future.
</p>
</text>
<graphic>
<p>
Photo, Chernobyl Then and Now :Photographs of the damaged reactor taken before
the construction of its concrete "sarcophagus" are, for obvious reasons, aerial
photographs. Left, an artist's reconstruction of the reactor as it would have
looked from the ground before the sarcophagus was in place. The point of view
is the same as that of an official Soviet photograph, right, taken as the
entombment neared completion.
</p>
</graphic>
<type>
<p>
Book Review; Main Story
</p>
</type>
</doc>
<doc>
<docno> LA010189-0013 </docno>
<docid> 31 </docid>
<date>
<p>
January 1, 1989, Sunday, Home Edition
</p>
</date>
<section>
<p>
Book Review; Page 10; Book Review Desk
</p>
</section>
<length>
<p>
146 words
</p>
</length>
<headline>
<p>
CURRENT PAPERBACKS: WAITING FOR CHILDHOOD BY SUMNER LOCKE ELLIOTT (PERENNIAL
LIBRARY/ HARPER & ROW: $7.95)
</p>
</headline>
<byline>
<p>
By ELENA BRUNET
</p>
</byline>
<text>
<p>
Set in Australia at the turn of the 20th Century, "Waiting for Childhood" is
the story of seven children left to cope for themselves after their parents
die. Their father, The Rev. William Lord, expires at the breakfast table one
morning. After the family leaves for a ramshackle house owned by a wealthy
cousin, the mother loses her mind and then her life in an accident.
</p>
<p>
The eldest daughter, Lily, takes charge of the entire household, as Jess
becomes a favorite of her rich cousin Jackie and watches her rival for Jackie's
affections fall fatally from a mountaintop.
</p>
<p>
These characters, "all talented, all deeply human, (are) all so beautifully
realized that by the end of the novel we identify with them to the point of
heartbreak," Carolyn See wrote in these pages. " 'Waiting for Childhood'
manages to be at once terribly melancholy and extraordinarily exhilarating."
</p>
</text>
<type>
<p>
Column; Book Review
</p>
</type>
</doc>
<doc>
<docno> LA010189-0032 </docno>
<docid> 74 </docid>
<date>
<p>
January 1, 1989, Sunday, Home Edition
</p>
</date>
<section>
<p>
Business; Part 4; Page 3; Column 1; Financial Desk
</p>
</section>
<length>
<p>
1299 words
</p>
</length>
<headline>
<p>
VIEWPOINTS;
</p>
<p>
'89 WISH LIST: PROTECTION, TAXES AND PEACE;
</p>
<p>
SOCIAL BENEFITS, DEFICIT REDUCTION ARE TOP PRIORITIES FOR THE NEW YEAR
</p>
</headline>
<text>
<p>
What changes would you like to see in business practices and the workplace this
year? How can business leaders and economic policy-makers improve the economy
and the world in general in 1989? The Times ran these questions by people in
various walks of life, and here are some of their answers:
</p>
<p>
</p>
<p>
Muriel Siebert, head of the Muriel Siebert & Co. discount brokerage in New
York, and first female member of the New York Stock Exchange:
</p>
<p>
"I would like to see certain business practices regulated. I think that the
leveraged buyouts show the greed of people at their worst. . . . The LBOs are
bypassing the purpose of the capital-raising system. I think that to the extent
that people were stockholders in these companies . . . they should be allowed
to continue to have some kind of share in the profits (after the leveraged
buyouts) because these moves were done while they were stockholders.
</p>
<p>
"Must greed be the creed? I would like to see that also rolled over to our
defense contractors. I am pro defense. I believe in a strong country because
people mistake gentility for weakness. If (contractors) cheat on defense
contracts, I don't see why they don't go to jail. . . . I just feel that if you
are a major defense contractor, you owe a fiduciary responsibility to this
country because defense expenditures are putting a pretty big toll on the
country."
</p>
<p>
Andrew Brimmer, former member of the Federal Reserve Board and head of a
Washington economics consulting firm:
</p>
<p>
"My leading wish is that the nation deal with the federal budget deficit. I
would like to see a substantial reduction in 1989 and extending over the next
three years. I would strongly recommend that we raise taxes. There should be
some moderation in the level of government expenditures, but the real problem
is the lag in revenue.
</p>
<p>
"I also would like to see more done for education by business. The kind of
education I'm talking about is at the elementary and secondary level.
Businesses are already contributing to colleges. Businesses should do likewise
for elementary and secondary schools. Business people can play a role as
counselors and teachers. A firm might make available an engineer or
mathematician to go into schools and teach. Business should do more to offer
on-the-job training for unskilled, or limited-skills, people, perhaps through a
(lower) learning wage. We would give business tax credits to do this."
</p>
<p>
William R. Robertson, executive secretary of the Los Angeles County Federation
of Labor, AFL-CIO:
</p>
<p>
"I would like to see a change in philosophy by the incoming President relating
to labor relations and providing for fairness in our (labor) organizing efforts
and contract negotiations. . . .
</p>
<p>
"I would also like to see some protection for workers losing their jobs because
of mergers. It is a national disgrace. In too many mergers, the workers are the
ones that suffer and the country as well. Something should be done to correct
it. . . .
</p>
<p>
"And, finally, this Administration should face reality in resolving the
astronomical deficit."
</p>
<p>
Steven D. Lydenberg, an associate with the "socially responsible" investment
firm of Franklin Research & Development:
</p>
<p>
"There is an increasing interest around the country in social investing. People
want to know not just the financial implications of making a commitment in a
company, but also the social implication. That information is not very easy to
come by.
</p>
<p>
"So, if at the end of '89 corporations were disclosing in a uniform way their
yield figures, their charitable contribution figures, the numbers of women and
minorities in top management and board directors, their attitude on a number of
comparable social issues, I would be very happy."
</p>
<p>
Frank Borman, chairman of Patlex Corp. of Chatsworth, former astronaut and
former chairman of Eastern Airlines:
</p>
<p>
"We should begin to move toward taxing consumption -- a value-added tax. This
is quite controversial as Al Ullman (Oregon Democrat and former chairman of the
House Ways and Means Committee, who was defeated in 1988 after advocating a
value-added tax) will tell you. But this taxing system is needed. It would
certainly help our exports. Almost all of Europe is under the value-added
taxing system. Also, it may encourage saving instead of consumption. One of the
ways you discourage consumption is to tax it."
</p>
<p>
Michael Harrington, co-chair of Democratic Socialists of America and author of
"The Other America" and "The New American Poverty":
</p>
<p>
"I hope Secretary of State Baker will build on the basic insights of former
Treasury Secretary Baker (James Baker, former treasury secretary, was nominated
by President-elect Bush to be Secretary of State) that a settlement of Third
World debt is in the self-interest of America, opening up markets for business
and labor. But then the new Baker will have to go far beyond the old, since
Latin America now owes more than it did in 1982 when the crisis officially
began, and several countries, including Argentina and Brazil, may see democracy
subverted if current trends persist.
</p>
<p>
"At home, the nation must recognize that we can't waste young people, and
particularly minorities and women, on illiteracy, unemployment and unproductive
low-wage work. We must invest mightily in education, training and job
generation."
</p>
<p>
Alan Bromberg, a securities law expert and professor at Southern Methodist
University:
</p>
<p>
"There are several things I would like most to see changed in the economy and
business practices. One, more concentration by business and government, both
here and abroad, on . . . the facilitation of international trade and
investment. This would require wider horizons for business people . . . and
more effort by government to reduce and ultimately eliminate all kinds of
restrictions on the movement of products.
</p>
<p>
"Two, I would like to see a national consensus developed, preferably in the
form of federal legislation, on corporate takeovers and buyouts that would
recognize the efficiencies and benefits they bring as well as the dislocations
and hardships they can cause. This would involve tax policies and labor polices
and limitations on the ability of states to Balkanize corporate law by
different anti-takeover statutes everywhere. (There also should be) some kind
of limitation on management self-entrenchment and self-enrichment.
</p>
<p>
"I think we could use a lot of clarification of the securities laws. I think
the courts have done a good job of saying what insider trading is. The kind of
issues that are most difficult are what really is parking (of stock)? How much
cooperation or similar action by different individuals or different groups of
individuals makes it collaboration? These issues haven't been well resolved. .
. .
</p>
<p>
Peter Bahouth, executive director of Greenpeace in Washington:
</p>
<p>
"People now view threats to human security less in terms of political threats
and more in environmental and economic terms. So for my wish list, I would ask
first that we deal with the issue of the greenhouse effect. We better develop
some alternative views in mass transportation and cut subsidies to reflect the
true cost of fossil fuels in terms of pollution, along with the actual economic
cost of development. Then, we could put more money into research and
development of wind and solar energy.
</p>
<p>
"(Also on my wish list is) peace on earth. If we want peace on earth, we have
to start looking seriously at the fact that we are making more and more
weapons, and in a process which endangers the health of American people. . . .
Production plants have been proven to have released into the air and water
radioactivity and toxic chemicals."
</p>
<p>
"Also, it would be nice if we could learn that the rain forest affects all of
us. We need to preserve it. And we would like the tuna industry to stop killing
dolphins."
</p>
</text>
<graphic>
<p>
Drawing, JILL BANASHEK / for The Times
</p>
</graphic>
</doc>
</section>
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<h2>Raw Text</h2>
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</html>关于javascript - 方法在附加到 html 时跳过一个项目，我们在Stack Overflow上找到一个类似的问题： https://stackoverflow.com/questions/61124571/
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我想了解 Ruby 方法 methods() 是如何工作的。 我尝试使用“ruby 方法”在 Google 上搜索，但这不是我需要的。 我也看过 ruby-doc.org，但我没有找到这种方法。
Test 方法 对指定的字符串执行一个正则表达式搜索，并返回一个 Boolean 值指示是否找到匹配的模式。 object.Test(string) 参数 object 必选项。总是一个
Replace 方法 替换在正则表达式查找中找到的文本。 object.Replace(string1, string2) 参数 object 必选项。总是一个 RegExp 对象的名称。
Raise 方法 生成运行时错误 object.Raise(number, source, description, helpfile, helpcontext) 参数 object 应为
Execute 方法 对指定的字符串执行正则表达式搜索。 object.Execute(string) 参数 object 必选项。总是一个 RegExp 对象的名称。 string
Clear 方法 清除 Err 对象的所有属性设置。 object.Clear object 应为 Err 对象的名称。 说明 在错误处理后，使用 Clear 显式地清除 Err 对象。此
CopyFile 方法 将一个或多个文件从某位置复制到另一位置。 object.CopyFile source, destination[, overwrite] 参数 object 必选
Copy 方法 将指定的文件或文件夹从某位置复制到另一位置。 object.Copy destination[, overwrite] 参数 object 必选项。应为 File 或 F
Close 方法 关闭打开的 TextStream 文件。 object.Close object 应为 TextStream 对象的名称。 说明 下面例子举例说明如何使用 Close 方
BuildPath 方法 向现有路径后添加名称。 object.BuildPath(path, name) 参数 object 必选项。应为 FileSystemObject 对象的名称
GetFolder 方法 返回与指定的路径中某文件夹相应的 Folder 对象。 object.GetFolder(folderspec) 参数 object 必选项。应为 FileSy
GetFileName 方法 返回指定路径（不是指定驱动器路径部分）的最后一个文件或文件夹。 object.GetFileName(pathspec) 参数 object 必选项。应为
GetFile 方法 返回与指定路径中某文件相应的 File 对象。 object.GetFile(filespec) 参数 object 必选项。应为 FileSystemObject
GetExtensionName 方法 返回字符串，该字符串包含路径最后一个组成部分的扩展名。 object.GetExtensionName(path) 参数 object 必选项。应
GetDriveName 方法 返回包含指定路径中驱动器名的字符串。 object.GetDriveName(path) 参数 object 必选项。应为 FileSystemObjec
GetDrive 方法 返回与指定的路径中驱动器相对应的 Drive 对象。 object.GetDrive drivespec 参数 object 必选项。应为 FileSystemO
GetBaseName 方法 返回字符串，其中包含文件的基本名 (不带扩展名), 或者提供的路径说明中的文件夹。 object.GetBaseName(path) 参数 object 必
GetAbsolutePathName 方法 从提供的指定路径中返回完整且含义明确的路径。 object.GetAbsolutePathName(pathspec) 参数 object
FolderExists 方法 如果指定的文件夹存在，则返回 True；否则返回 False。 object.FolderExists(folderspec) 参数 object 必选项
FileExists 方法 如果指定的文件存在返回 True；否则返回 False。 object.FileExists(filespec) 参数 object 必选项。应为 FileS
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